By Michail S. Andronov
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A clear case is Marathi, in which this form is distinct (12) (=Mar 88a) from the local anaphor (13) (=Mar 25); although it can be modified by VR to allow local occurrence (14) (=Mar 14). (12) lilij samajate ki sushij aaplyaa-laaj», Lili thinks that Sushi self-dat 'Lilij thinks that Sushij laughs at selfj (13) lilij (aaplyaa) swataah-laa. Lili (self-obl) self-dat 'Lili; beats herself^' (14) lili-ni Lili-erg aaplyaa-laa self-dat maarun beat haste. laughs maarte. beats ghet-la. , Malayalam). In Kannada, modification either by emphatic or by VR accomplishes the modulation for the form to occur locally, as it does in Marathi (14).
This moved reflexive occurs in (24) after an overt complementizer, so optionality of raising appears not to be a possible explanation. Unresolved questions of this type abound and invite further investigation. More fundamental issues persist, documenting that, in fact, it is not possible to attain complete comparability in structure across languages. For example, in making cross-linguistic comparisons, the scholar confronts the "we don't say it like that" phenomenon. Thus in place of you hurt yourself one may find get injured', in place of shoot himself one finds eat bullets; in place of see yourself, see the face or some physical aspect of self.
There are also other features of South Asian languages that are directly related to problems of linguistic research on anaphora. Among them are the existence of long-distance and/or antilocal long-distance anaphors in some languages and of verbal reflexives that interact with the distribution of pronominal anaphoric forms by limiting or permitting their occurrence. Again, these properties cross language family and regional lines, so that, for example, Malayalam lacks the verbal reflexive found in the closely related Tamil and the other neighboring Dravidian languages, but a verbal reflexive is found in Tibeto-Burman Mizo.
A comparative grammar of the Dravidian languages by Michail S. Andronov